Results 1 – 12 of 13 Ethics and Archaeological Praxis (Ethical Archaeologies: The Politics of Social Justice). Nov 11, by Cristóbal Gnecco and Dorothy. Against Typological Tyranny in Archaeology: A South American Perspective [ Cristóbal Gnecco, Carl Langebaek] on *FREE* shipping on. Comment on Cristóbal Gnecco and Carolina Hernández, “History and its Discontents: Stone Statues, Native Histories, and Archaeologists.” Byron Hamann.
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Skip to main content. Log In Sign Up. Stone Statues, Native Histories, and Archaeologists. A reflexive and committed archaeology can contribute to processes such as this one in the larger context of decolonization. This is a story about the way colonialism shapes the sym- local histories because it replaces their myths of origin with bolism of the societies it dominates and about the possibility a new one, that of civilization.
It is cen- The history imposed by the conquerors does not simply tered on the way the colonial historical apparatus works. Its erase the history of the conquered but distorts, conflates, and main actors are a North Andean native community, archae- confuses it.
Colonialism constructs more than it destroys, and ological practice, and historical discourses of several kinds. The historical disciplines further this process. These general assertions are better seen if grounded in Archaeology, for instance, contributes to the alienation of particular cases.
Ours come from Colombia. Colonial domination powered native communities explicitly interested in historical sometimes destroys local histories and their associated par- matters disregard archaeological sites and materials.
The in- aphernalia, such as shrines and votive items and their his- terpretation and, eventually, the overcoming of this contra- torians by physical destruction or rhetorical repression.
It diction is the main purpose of this paper. Although it can be also creates histories anew by imposing new beginnings and argued that the indigenous communities that were brought condemning any time before those beginnings.
This paper was submitted 22 1. This perception is now being contested and sub- itself is under attack by the supremacy of the present, and so verted by native political and cultural empowerment, with is its potential for social resistance. Although postmodern the result crostobal what was previously feared and proscribed the logic does away with history Jameson ; Lipovetskyancestors cristonal their material referents now assumes a positive a multitude of actors—social movements, class organizations, valuation.
We will discuss this process by showing how the academics—opposes the devaluation of the meanings attrib- Nasa, one cristobzl the most numerous and empowered contem- uted to the past. This opposition is not uniform, stems from porary native societies in Colombia, are contesting and trans- different interests, and places emphasis on a variety of po- forming colonial-national history through the resignification tential referents.
Social movements stand out as leaders of of material referents archaeological materials, especially stone this opposition, searching for historical meaning as a form statues, until recently ignored, neglected, or proscribed be- of utopian resistance, finding in history their origin and des- cause of colonial symbolismsystems of representation ar- tiny, and appealing to it in various ways against and despite chaeology, especially its denial of local meaningsand colonial postmodern mandates: The growing interest of a number of Thus history is deployed in gnnecco and an old drama ccristobal cast social actors in matters that historical experts including ar- cristobao.
A decolonized archaeology is committed to the vin- chaeologists have routinely considered their own has broad- dication of the past as a fundamental source for the construc- ened the significance of the past with the inclusion of other tion of social projects, and ccristobal we conclude with a dis- worldviews and different projections of the present and the cussion of the role of historical consciousness in postmodern future. Local autonomies consecrated by constitutional re- times. In an signification of material referents long ignored, is a refur- earthquake shook the heart of their territory.
Several com- bished apparatus that confronts but also uses both Cristohal munities were uprooted from their ancestral lands because of constructions of the past and native histories that have be- the destruction of agricultural fields and geological risk.
A come official through their association with ethnic political relocation effort was launched by the Colombian state with agendas and literacy. Through the case study of a Nasa com- the aim of finding suitable lands for them. They agreed to move after mitted archaeological practice. We begin by showing basis of a sensorial survey. In the new showing that archaeology can abandon its long affiliation with settlement the younger generation has conflicting feelings colonialism to align itself with new historical meanings in the about ethnicity much more intense than those of their parents larger context of decolonization.
This move of archaeology a few decades ago, when capitalism was encroaching upon can be even more significant if we consider that in the post- modern era historical colonialism has added another, different 3. The Colombian constitutional reform is just one of many that swept particular directions and points of expression which help to crustobal Latin America in the s.
The key word linking them is autonomy, courses of action and, in some cases, rituals crjstobal be performed. The correct especially with regard to ethnic groups. Gow and Rappaport55—57 provide an account of cristonal re- groups see Stavenhagen ; Van Cott Southwestern Colombia, showing locations mentioned in the text.
Around the slightest physical event or social guardos. Historical memory has been the cor- life. Autonomous development requires a is territory. In this endeavor Nasa oral traditions have been fundamental in providing the basis crisfobal 5. Gow and Rappaport56 note that education has been crucial crjstobal pedagogical model that nurtures territorial meaning, cristoal in this regard: The school has played a crucial role The relatively recent inception of an official cristobaal history has in deepening an appreciation of Nasa identity in the resettlement through also been crucial in the revival of historical matters and the attention to oral history, the revival of shamanic rituals, and the increased role accorded to that revival in the weaving of an gmecco value placed on the Nasa language.
These leaders The transmission of history in ethnic communities has passed down what the current leadership interprets as rules changed since the adoption of written communication and to be followed. The CRIC political agenda closely follows literacy as part of the political struggle for legitimacy and the eighteenth-century mandate of Juan Tama, reinterpreted empowerment.
Since the eighteenth century, political lead- two centuries later by Lame: Native official history is therefore a morality based on the political actions of great past leaders.
Myths pable of dealing with the colonial and republican authorities dealing with less decisive events have not been accorded the Findji and Rojas ; Rappaport Gnecdo perceived ca- same importance,13 although they are constantly played out pabilities of those individuals have been based to a great extent in many contexts.
These myths, along with geographical fea- on their reading and writing skills, notable in a basically il- tures endowed with historical referents, remain the main his- cdistobal society. Since munities that were relocated after gmecco earthquake have the s literacy has been widely promoted;9 a visible effect strategically employed the relationship between history and has been the promotion of a formerly unknown official native territory to give meaning to a physical space that, at least in history, disseminated through school curricula, political in- recent oral tradition, was not their own.
Representations are struction, journals, and pamphlets. It stresses the importance of new area14 gnceco upon Nasa social memory.
Although the political heroes who fought for the Nasa. Those leaders left area gnecck devoid of indigenous peoples in the eyes of West- behind models for political action and, knowingly or not, a erners until a decade ago, it is widely believed that this de morality. Juan myths notably a waterfall located to the west. While per- Tama was also virtually forgotten or remembered and re- That hero is sometimes Juan Tama does not necessarily demand that every person read and write.
The most recurrent myths are also associated with individuals, This guerrilla movement began in the province of Cauca in the Its purpose was the defense of interpreted it to mean that the Valley of La Plata was part of the resguardo indigenous culture and territory. The the Aguacatal River near Gneecco Leticia until then overlooked transcriptions of traditional Nasa myths made by Yuleby Nasa history.
The stone carvings from the site were given a Nasa writer, and Segundo Bernalan anthropologist, mythical meaning. We know that they loved and love us, so we must do carvings. We have in the midst of a native history made official or uninten- been living for a long time, and so we have to remember tionally produced by political and other needs. But now that we have found them we must think sensual, and it shows that myths both explain and act upon with strength, walk with strength, and teach our grandkids.
As an explanatory tool Only thus will we keep on living16 they provide order and meaning to past and current events, while as action they provide legitimacy to practices that reg- The stones are, of course, more than just things. They are ulate Nasa interaction with their territory and with other animate objects that evoke emotions and beings forebears groups.
What archaeologists given meaning and appropriated by a sense of belonging. Yet until the new territory and given meaning to the archaeological site.
Criatobal Nasa and the neighboring Guambianos painted communal tombs and stone statues. This term was used during colonial times to designate indigenous ancestral blessing of current officials. Although it may have ciques chiefs.
Cristobal Gnecco – UAPress
Stones are also important to the Nasa. For Pineda, tama embodies mechanisms of social subordination and ethnic assimilation through These two cases and belongs not to the Nasa but to a mestizo peasant. This situation has highlight the colonial transformation of indigenous categories into ethnic not created any inconvenience, legal or otherwise, so far, but it will have labels.
Mythological analysis finds a strong identification between St. Excerpted from a video made in to serve as a pedagogical For an archaeological summary of Tierradentro, see Chavez and tool in the local school. People from Juan Tama at La Candelaria for a project aimed at linking history and school curricula. Indeed, the Nasa myth- fig. Local excitement regarding the trans- ological incorporation of La Candelaria may contribute to a portation of the statues was as might be imagined for a small, change in the traditional relationship between native groups quiet, isolated Andean city six decades ago.
The task was and archaeology in Colombia, which is still characterized by monumental, given that the dirt road that currently winds 3 the hegemony with which the institutional establishment deals km to the south of the site was just being built.
The statues have remained ever since at the Univ- by social proscriptions in archaeological remains. The rest ersidad del Cauca—initially housed in the so-called archae- of the paper is devoted to arguing that this lack of interest ological park in the main yard of the Santo Domingo cloister, was a colonial creation and explaining how it is being then for more than two decades in the Mosquera Museum, transformed.
Since their removal from the La Candelaria, the archaeological site that the Nasa have built site, however, they have been little more than decorative items, into their territorial and mythical symbolism, was unknown sitting mute through the years. La Candelaria contained several stone statues The stone statues of southwestern Colombia have fasci- amidst other remains such as dwelling terraces, channels, and pottery sherds. Lehmann noticed that these statues greatly Only a few reports concerning these statues were written in the eighteenth and nineteenth cen- turies e.
The majority of researchers considered the statues and associated material outside any contemporary cultural context, that is, simply as the remains of past peoples. There was no attempt to establish cultural continuities of any kind with extant so- cieties.
Nor was any consideration given to the use of current indigenous symbolism in the interpretation of the archaeo- logical data. This approach made sense, however, in the light of a national project dating back to the middle of the nine- teenth century, when the governing liberal elite attempted to build an inclusive national identity.
In this nation-building project contemporary Indians were a troublesome problem: Juan Tama inhabitants with one of the stone statues from La Candelaria in This dilemma was resolved, credence to Spanish and internal colonialisms that aimed to to a great extent, by the adoption of pre-Hispanic otherness civilize the uncivilized other. Colombian archaeological discourse The pre-Hispanic societies appropriated by the national continually alludes to annihilation and disappearance: A civilized society was a society with change but disappear.